DoJ War Crimes Problem Sparks Combat Operations

DoJ Officials are lying when they say matters are under investigation. The issues are no longer being aggressively pursued.

The prisoners have not been contacted by DoJ, and counsel has been unable to get DoJ officials to respond.

Litigation is one option. Foreign fighters are increasing combat operations directed at US government officials.

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DoJ is not serious about prosecuting anyone in DoJ. DoJ OPR and DOJ IG needs to be called before Congress to outline specifically what they have been told, and what roadblocks they've faced on getting answers on the prisoner mistreatment.

All failures to respond should be admitted to the record as a "no response" and adverse inferences incorporated into the record.

DoJ Staff counsel are digging themselves into a hole on these Geneva violations. Brad Berenson, Addington, and Keisler allegedly know about the abuses, but allegedly have failed to timely remove themselves from the illegal war crimes planning, policy making, and oversight.

Contrary to DoJ Assertions, not all cases have been completed, nor have all cases been investigated.

It is not reasonable for an investigation to take 2.5 years. War crimes prosecutors may make the reasonable adverse inference that no investigation was started, nor have sufficient remedies been enacted to remedy the Geneva violations. These are war crimes issues punishable by the death penalty, allegedly linked with the Vice President, Addington, Keisler, and Gonzalez.

War crimes prosecutors may presume that in the absence of indictments, US Attorneys, DoJ OPR, and DoJ IG have been allegedly complicit in not fully enforcing the Geneva Conventions. Failure to investigate, prevent, and stop war crimes is also punishable by the death penalty; this punishment could apply to US Attorneys, Staff Counsel, and Members of Congress and their staffs.

The failure to timely respond can be adversely interpreted to be unwilling to fully comply with their legal obligations under the Geneva. These are requirements as affirmed in Hamdan.

Failure of DoJ Staff counsel to timely respond to Geneva Conventions issues raises the prospect foreign fighters may make like abuses against US prisoners, which may include civilians, visiting staff counsel, US government officials, and other personnel reviewing DoJ activities. Foreign fighters may adversely conclude that the range of combat operations includes the District of Columbia, the alleged center of the illegal war crimes planning, and may lawfully render to The Hague any and all DoJ Staff who are allegedly complicit and have been indicted for war crimes.

DoJ Staff have failed to explain why, despite assertions that there was no evidence related to prisoner abuse, American citizens have provided to war crimes prosecutors admissible evidence documenting the detailed abuses. Written evidence has been corroborated by similar patters of abuse at Guantanamo, Eastern Europe, and Iraq. It is reasonable to presume that the similar prisoner mistreatment programs are centrally managed through the White House, OSD, and White House Counsel working in concert with DoJ Staff.

DoJ Public affairs officials are reminded that all public statements related to the status of investigations is admissible and may be used against you during war crimes prosecutions. If you have evidence of illegal activity, but refuse to present that information, you may be found to have obstructed a war crimes investigation. You are advised to seek counsel.

There is no excuse for DoJ to be unclear with how many cases are open or closed. The failure to timely respond may be adversely interpreted to mean that the DoJ Staff, contrary to Article 82, is not fully enforcing the Geneva Conventions. DoJ Staff counsel could be indicted, prosecuted, and adjudicated with the death penalty for war crimes. There is no excuse for not aggressively securing evidence or ensuring witness' counsel have the opportunity to interview prisoners.

These are serious matters. Unless the US government is willing to assent to the rule of law and Geneva Conventions, foreign fighters may lawfully increase combat operations directed at alleged war criminals in the US government allegedly complicit with war crimes planning, policy making, and implementation.